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Sunday, 13 June 2010

A Skeptic Looks at the McKinnon Case: Part Four

This is the fourth part of my examination of the controversial and well-known extradition case of Gary McKinnon.

The first part set out the procedural history of the litigation and the serious allegations being made by the US, the second part examined the CPS decision not to prosecute in the UK and the relevance of the UFO issue to this litigation, and the third part dealt with the plea bargain which Mr McKinnon rejected in April 2003.

This part looks at the alleged "unfair" extradition arrangements between the UK and US and their relevance to this particular case.



A central theme of the campaign against the extradition of Mr McKinnon is the alleged unfairness of the extradition arrangements between the UK and US.

It is one of the things "everyone knows" about the case.

So this blogpost will now set out the relevance of the alleged unfairness of the extradition arrangements to the particular case of Mr McKinnon.


In my view, there isn't any relevance.


This is because even under the extradition regime that existed before 1 January 2004, which would have required the US to show a prime facie case, the US would be able to do so.

An attempt to contend otherwise was made by Mr McKinnon's legal team in the first High Court hearing.

The judge dealt with it in a single paragraph (see para 39 here, which I break up below for readibilty):

Mr Lawson [Mr McKinnon's barrister] submits that the US Government engaged in deliberate delay in order to obtain the advantage of the new extradition arrangements applicable to category 2 territories under the 2003 Act and that this amounted to an abuse of process. Whatever may have been the historical position, we accept that a District Judge conducting an extradition hearing under the 2003 Act has jurisdiction to hold that the requesting state is abusing the process of the court. The history was analysed and the principle demonstrated by Laws LJ in Bermingham, paragraphs 91 to 97.

"However, we do not consider that deliberate, abusive delay is made out in the present case.

"Indeed, we do not accept that the delay was deliberate at all.

"We have described how at first the US authorities were formulating an application under the [previous] 1989 Act until the new procedures were drawn to their attention. When pressed about the alleged advantage sought to be gained by the US authorities, Mr Lawson suggested that they had been waiting for a procedure in which it was no longer necessary to establish a prima facie case where the requesting state has the appropriate designation.

"This suggestion does not bear examination.

"On any basis, there is a prima facie case against Mr McKinnon and no one could sensibly have thought otherwise.

"When further pressed, Mr Lawson resorted to the suggestion that, under the previous legislation, technical errors and omissions were more likely to accrue to the benefit of the person whose extradition was sought, the implication being that the US authorities were anxious to avoid the risk of being foiled by such technical errors and omissions. This virtually amounts to a submission that Mr McKinnon has been deprived of the opportunity to escape extradition on a hypothetical technicality. It is a most unattractive argument. We unhesitatingly reject it."



Why did the High Court form the view that - on any basis - there was a prima facie case against Mr McKinnon and that no one could sensibly have thought otherwise?

Well, one only has to look at the evidence which the US had already collected (see para 7 here):

(1) Mr McKinnon's computers contained administrative account names and passwords for 39 of the 97 compromised computers hacked into
(2) Of the 44 or so versions of "remotely anywhere" available on the internet, one of the many versions found on his computer was found on 71 of the 97 compromised computers
(3) 72 of the computers had "remotely anywhere" installed in a directory location selected uniquely by him
(4) A document found on his computer recommended the renaming of the "remotely anywhere" software to "ra.exe" and the "remotely anywhere" files found on 19 Army computers had been so renamed
(5) A further document found on his computer entitled "themethod.wri" contained detailed instructions as to how to undertake the above conduct
(6) His computer was not the subject of remote access from any other computers.


Furthermore, Mr McKinnon had admitted the unauthorised access in interviews soon after his arrest (see para 8 here).

(Mr McKinnon has, of course, since confirmed that he would plead guilty to the unauthorised access offence under the Computer Misuse Act (see para 25 here) and his lawyers have indicated that he would be prepared to plead guilty to the causing damage offence (see para 32 here).)


So even on the standard of evidence which was required from the US before 1 January 2004, it is clear that there is at least a prima facie case for Mr McKinnon to answer.

The High Court were correct to state this back in April 2007 and, perhaps significantly, Mr McKinnon's legal team have not sought to re-argue the point since it was dismissed in that single judicial paragraph.

In summary, even if the extradition arrangements were unfair, in that the US had only to show reasonable suspicion and not a prima facie case, there can be no serious doubt that they could have achieved that higher standard.


Which brings us to an interesting footnote about the "unfair" extradition arrangements.

They are actually no longer unfair, at least in the way complained of by the so-called "NatWest Three" fraudsters.

You may recall the media campaign against the extradition of the "NatWest Three" fraudsters (which has been brilliantly analysed by Nick Davies in Flat Earth News.

One central part of that campaign - and indeed their legal case - was that there was an unfairness in the extradition arrangements between the US and UK.

And that was undoubtedly true, and it was a matter of genuine concern.

For when the Extradition Act 2003 took effect on 1 January 2004, the United States had been designated as one (of many) countries which only had to show reasonable information or evidence to apply for an extradition.

(See para 2 of the Order for the full list, where you can see the US is far from unique from having this status.)

This caused a significant disparity: under the 1972 Treaty then in force (no link available, but see paras 20 to 22 here), the UK was still required to show evidence sufficient to bring a prosecution (not just an arrest) to apply for an extradition of a US citizen.

This disparity was effectively caused by the US having not ratified the Extradition Treaty 2003, even though the UK had given effect to the treaty by designating the US as a category 2 country in time for when the Extradition Act did take effect on 1 January 2004.

The Extradition Treaty 2003 provided for both the UK and US to bring their respective evidential standards for extradition down to that required for an arrest warrant, not a prosecution: in the US this standard is called "probable cause".

It was the disparity caused by the US not ratifying the treaty when the UK had put it into effect which fed and informed the (in my view, correctly felt) concern about the extradition of the "NatWest Three" fraudsters.

And it was this disparity which has carried forward to the concern felt by many supporters of the campaign against Mr McKinnon's extradition.


So it is interesting to note that on 3 September 2006 the US Senate finally ratified the Extradition Treaty 2003 and the instruments of ratification were exchanged on 26 April 2007.



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11 comment(s):

Elaine said...

Re. The prima facie case, is it not interesting that JoK declines to mention here Lord Justice Stanley Burnton's view of that case - namely that to prosecute on the basis of the case presented would be 'an embarrassment to the prosecution'?

I have referred JoK repeatedly to the CPS disclosure (Review Note 3) and to the (only) forensic IT report on the 'evidence' against Gary McKinnon, both of which demonstrate pretty clearly that the 'prima facie' case rests on 'hearsay' and 'no evidence'.

I am therefore naturally curious as to why JoK seems to overlook these facts.

As to the Extradition Treaty, the fact remains that no prima facie case is required by it in order to extradite to the US, and the 'one-sided' nature of the treaty is attested to personally by Baroness Scotland in Hansard, 16th Dec 2003, Column 1063.

Just thought I'd mention it.

chris said...

Is there a link to this Forensic IT report anywhere? There are various pieces of the court report that do look at best dubious from an IT security direction

Dr. Brian Blood said...

Elaine,

Yes, sorry; it's me again!

I have asked you for a link to Review Note 3. So far I have only found a summary of it prepared by a journalist. Can you provide a link to the original document.

Why is this important?

Well all the indications are that Review Note 3 refers to the use of the evidence then available to the CPS as the basis for a prosecution in the UK.

Much of the evidence the US would use in an action in the US has certainly not been supplied for the purpose of the extradition. This much we know because it has been mentioned in various judgments.

Although insufficient evidence has been supplied to the CPS for it to take on a prosecution in the UK this does not mean that there is insufficient or extra evidence to suggest that there is an arguable case against McKinnon in the US.

I don't quite understand why you keep on describing the evidence already available as being 'hearsay'.

I have also asked why you only mention the IT consultant who supported McKinnon's lawyers submissions but not that of those opposing. They are in the same computerweekly.com article.

The court has already listed evidence found on McKinnon's computer and McKinnon has already proposed pleading guilty to various offences.

Baroness Scotland's entry in Hansard is dated 16 December 2003.

You will have noticed, when you read JoK's blog, that we have moved on - and so has the case.

Charles Barry said...

You know, JoK, with every coming week (and these new blogposts), the strength of the argument of the opposition to Gary McKinnon's extradition weakens.

We know there is substantial evidence he did it, we know that he had pleaded guilty to some of the allegations, every UK court has found that the extradition should go ahead.

I am left scratching my head as to why then you say your oppose the extradition. I can't think of any myself.

Daniel Onions said...

@Elaine

This is the relevant statement from Baroness Scotland in Hansard:

'The fact is that under the terms of its constitution the United States of America cannot set its evidential standard any lower than "probable cause"...We do not demand prima facie evidence of countries such as Albania, Turkey or Romania, and therefore we fail to see why we should impose a more stringent test on the United States of America.'

Which is not quite the same as the 'American bullies abusing the special relationship' spin that you and others are putting on this. And by 'not quite the same', I of course mean 'completely different from'.

Dr. Brian Blood said...

BTW, my comment about there being additional evidence upon which any US prosecution might be based is admitted by McKinnon's solicitor in this article:

http://www.computerweekly.com/Articles/2009/02/26/235032/DPP-has-no-evidence-for-a-UK-prosecution-of-hacker-Gary.htm

raincoatoptimism said...

@Charles Barry,

I wonder if it's just that, rational intellect to one side for the moment, JoK, like me, straight up doesn't want to see McKinnon serve in the US, wishes the law covered his crime here in the UK. Or failing that, wishs McKinnon's lawyers had swallowed that lump in their throat and got him to serve the (relatively) short period of time in prison in the states, before coming back here to finish the sentence off (for ref see part three).

Elaine said...

@Daniel - I have put no such spin on anything! What are you talking about?

What you have decided is 'the relevant statement' is surely a matter of opinion. I linked to the whole speech, and I'm sure people can decide for themselves which parts are relevant.

I am guessing that JoK is intending to publish the IT report and Review Note 3 in due course - I have no wish to steal his thunder there. I await his analysis with interest.

Don Trustem said...

All of you very conveniently miss the fact that what McKinnon did was not, I repeat, not extraditable.

To make it extraditable there had to be an element of financial damage with a threshold of $5000. The US conveniently claimed exactly $5000 of damage in each system he accessed including several Universities who later publicly denied any damage. Those Universities were quietly dropped from the superseding indictment which also conveniently allowed them to justify the delay of over three years for the one-sided, non evidential treaty to be used by the UK.

The Judge you quote, Nicolas Evans, had not seen the 2009 disclosure from the CPS that there was no evidence only hearsay and therefore inadmissible, neither was he privy to the plea bargain and threats nor was he shown any actual tangible evidence.

The whole point of this is, had they tried to extradite McKinnon in 2002 as they should have by rights, there would have been a UK hearing and the evidence would have been contested and since according to the CPS not only was it inadmissible but they expressed grave doubt that proper protocol had in fact been followed when McKinnon's own computers had been examined, it is seriously doubtful that the US would have succeeded.

Justice Stanley Burnton declared in court that McKinnon’s offences were far less serious than previous similar cases (Bevan and Caffrey) and they were both tried here and acquitted. The CPS and The High Tech Crime Unit who first arrested McKinnon both wanted to prosecute McKinnon here. Marc Kirby the officer in charge of the arresting unit recently stated that Mckinnon could have and should have been tried here. Russell Tyner from the CPS told McKinnon's lawyers that the CPS were told from the very top not to pursue the prosecution. A political decision not a legal one.

Lets get this clear the effect of the Treaty was not only to remove any evidence from the proceedings but to also remove any judicial scrutiny of any allegations so to quote outdated judgements from those who were not even privy to the CPS disclosure is disingenuous and deliberately misleading.

No lawyer writes five consecutive and extensive blog posts regurgitating allegations and trying desperately hard to represent them as fact when you have had years in which to do that and to do it now, at a time when crucial decisions are being made, both about the treaty and about McKinnon's future seems somewhat sinister and makes me question your agenda and possible ulterior motives.

No British person in their right mind would defend this traitorous Extradition Treaty.

Lloyd Jenkins said...

@Dontrustem

If you look at the allegations, £5000 worth of damage would be quite easy to find: time spent fixing things he deleted, time spent investigating the crime etc. Are you sure that the US authorities didn't put more than £5k because they didn't need to?

And as for this issue about the need for UK judicial scrutiny of allegations: where do you think McKinnon is being deported to? The US has a highly developed justice system, and if the charges against him are based on poor evidence then he'll be acquitted (or at least run the same chance of wrongful conviction as he would here). When deporting to the US we don't need a mini trial to analyze the evidence: that's the job of the US courts.

Richard Jones said...

@Lloyd Jenkins,

Ignoring this particular case for a moment. You say "The US has a highly developed justice system, and if the charges against him are based on poor evidence then he'll be acquitted", and I don't doubt that is true.

BUT, what you forget is that someone can be arrested and deported and probably imprisoned in the US, losing their job and home in the process, with no financial help and only a US public defender. _If_ they survive this, then what use is acquittal years down the line?

This is why it's better to have a small first step where a local court looks at whether the evidence given is plausibly going to result in a conviction. At the moment it doesn't even have to pass the sniff test. They could just do it through spite.